Already at that time he had developed a keen interest in chronology, which had long since been transformed from a purely technical discipline into a subject of bitter controversy between the various churches and sects. Shortly before that, a new chronology from the Nativity of Christ was established in the Western Church, replacing the previous "from the creation of the world", as well as the era of Diocletian adopted in the late Roman period. The question of the calculation of Easter was also acute: although Christ's Sunday was celebrated everywhere on the Sunday after the first spring full moon, the date of the latter was determined differently. A dispute ensued between Rome and the Celtic churches (Irish and British), and first of all it was not a question of theological subtleties, but of the question of jurisdiction. The struggle of the Celts for their independence lasted until the end of the eighth century, and Bede resolutely took the side of Rome in it. One of his first works, De temporibus liber (The Book of Times), written around 703, was devoted to the defense of the new chronology and the Roman Easter. The book included the so-called "Small Chronicle" - a short list of historical events, the model for which was the "Chronicle" of Prosper of Aquitaine. Bede supplemented it with information from the history of Britain and corrected some of Prosper's dates from the works of other authors. In a small chronicle, the principles that later formed the basis of the Ecclesiastical History of the People of the Angles, as well as the Great Chronicle, were first applied. The latter was part of the work "On the Six Ages of the World" (De sex aetatibus mundi) written in 726; in it, Bede approached history in a more philosophical way, perceiving it not as a mechanical sequence of events, but as a change of epochs leading to the coming of the Kingdom of God. For the first time, Paul Orosius tried to put this concept of Blessed Augustine into practice in his History Against the Pagans, but it was Bede who managed to adapt it to the new historical realities. It is not for nothing that his principles, as well as the facts he cites, were used by the compilers of subsequent world chronicles and national histories, such as Paul the Deacon, Otto of Freisingen, and others.

Another branch of Bede's scientific pursuits, exegesis, was also connected with history. Studying the biblical texts, he not only tried to reveal their allegorical and moral meaning, but also investigated, as far as he could, their specific historical content. He showed a more traditional approach in the field of hagiography; his Martyrology, as well as the lives of Felix of Nolan and St. Cuthbert, were written in strict accordance with the canons of such works. Bede's poetic work in Latin is also subject to the canons, of which only the hymn to Queen Ethelfrith, which is included in the text of the History, has survived. However, he also wrote poetry in his native language and was well versed in the traditional poetry of the Anglo-Saxons, as evidenced by his pupil Cuthbert [11]. He also cites the only known Anglo-Saxon poem by Bede ("Death Song"), which gives an idea of the author's poetic gift. One can only regret that Bede did not abandon a work on Anglo-Saxon poetry, similar to his first work "On the Art of Versification". There seemed to be no topics that did not interest him; among his works are a work "On the Nature of Things", a book on spelling and a book on holy places, which is a revision of the works of Adamnan and Hegesippus.

But Bede's particular attention was drawn to two topics: the history of his people and the history of the church. We can judge about the presence of the first of them in his work before "History" only by indirect signs, but the second was the main one for him. Within the framework of the author's historical concept, he was interested not in the "dark" pagan past of the Angles, but in their inclusion in the Christian universe, in which all peoples move towards the one Kingdom of God. That is why he was primarily interested not in the glorious deeds of kings, but in the "peaceful feats" of saints, especially English saints. Around 721, by order of the monks of Lindisfarne, he compiled in verse and prose the life of the famous ascetic St. Cuthbert. The next experiment was distinguished by significant novelty: around 726, the History of the Abbots of the Monasteries of Wirmouth and Yarrow was written, in which for the first time within the framework of the hagiographic genre the history of an individual monastery over a period of fifty years was considered.

The next step on the path of comprehension of the past was "History". It was written for several years and was completed in 731, although some additions may have been made later by the author. It is important to note that many prominent representatives of the English Church were aware of the need to write a history of the island and provided Bede with all kinds of assistance. First of all, they were Albinus, abbot of the monastery of Peter and Paul in Canterbury, and the London priest Notelm, afterwards Archbishop of Canterbury. They personally or in letters gave the author information on the history of the Church in various regions of England; in addition, Notelm went to Rome and took copies of letters and other documents related to the English Church from the papal archives. Among Bede's informants were also Bishop Daniel of Winchester, the monks of Lastingham Monastery, and one Abbot Esi, not to mention "many eyewitnesses" from his native Northumbria. Most likely, he also used the data of the monks of Lindisfarne, who had previously provided him with information for the life of St. Cuthbert. Perhaps the abbot of the famous island monastery Jonah Adamnan also collaborated with him.

The author's personal impressions were almost not reflected in the pages of the History. We know that Bede visited Lindisfarne, Ripon, and possibly York, but it is unlikely that he ever left Northumbria. His whole life was spent within the walls of the monastery, and he was fully aware of the lack of his worldly experience. For example, in his commentary on the Book of Samuel, he wrote about Saul's two wives: "How can one who was not married to even one judge this?" [12]. However, the monastery at that time offered great opportunities for learning about various aspects of life, and Bede used them to the fullest. From his writings follows an acquaintance with construction and carpentry, cooking, jewelry. We have already spoken of his musical abilities and knowledge of Latin and Anglo-Saxon poetry. He had always been interested in languages, as evidenced by the numerous translations of names and titles in the pages of the History, and he may have known, in addition to Latin, Irish and the basics of Greek. His Latin language is almost flawless in terms of clarity of grammatical constructions and simplicity of vocabulary and compares favorably with the artificial style of late Latin poetry, overloaded with metaphors and complex phrases. In his language, as well as in his style, he was guided by the Latin of the late Empire (primarily the language of St. Jerome's Vulgate) and, unlike the French and German authors of the subsequent period, and even earlier, he almost did not use barbarisms.

"Style is a person", and from the style of the "History" we can learn a lot about its author. He was hardworking, reasonable, no stranger to humor, in some ways critical, and in some ways gullible and subject to the prejudices of his time. He was an excellent storyteller, but in conversations on his favorite subjects, especially chronology, he sometimes got carried away and became too verbose. He was quite tolerant and objective, but he always took the side of the Church of Rome against any sign of heresy. Coming from the common people, Bede felt uncomfortable in the royal palaces. Of course, he writes about the wars and intrigues of kings, but, unlike the courtier Gregory of Tours, he does not show sufficient knowledge of the matter and, most importantly, interest. He is much more interested in the ascetic deeds of Cuthbert, the visions of the simple monk Pecktelm, the poetic gift of the shepherd Caedmon.

It should not be thought, however, that the priest from Yarrow was an anchorite, wholly immersed in scientific studies. He was keenly interested in the situation of England and the Church of England, which he considered threatening. One of the aims of the History was to awaken the not-so-distant memories of the former saints and to contrast them with the "lukewarm" contemporaries of Bede. Both the testimonies of historians and archaeological finds speak of the considerable wealth accumulated by the English Church by the beginning of the eighth century. Bede writes about all this with anger in a letter to Bishop Egbert of York. But he not only rebukes, he gives advice and even demands, threatening the all-powerful prelate with the judgment of God. And he listens – some of Bede's proposals were taken into account in the decisions of the next church council. From this fact, as well as from how many people helped the humble priest to write the History, one can judge his true influence on the church life of that time. Suffice it to say that the entire eighth century of the English Church was headed by the disciples of Bede himself or his close acquaintances.

It is not surprising that even before Bede's departure from earthly life, he was surrounded by a halo of holiness. The respect of the monks of Yarrow for him is evidenced by a letter from Cuthbert, as well as by legends in Northumbria; one of them, about how Bede preached to the waves, was reflected in a poem by Y. P. Polonsky [13]. After Bede's death on May 27, 735, his fame quickly crossed the borders of England and reached the continent with Anglo-Saxon missionaries. He was highly esteemed by Alcuin, a pupil of Egbert and the most prominent figure of the Carolingian Renaissance; in his History of the Archbishops of York, he calls Bede "our lord and protector" [14] and writes about the miracles wrought by his relics. In 819, parts of these relics and the relics of St. Cuthbert were transferred to the German monastery of Fulda, founded by the Anglo-Saxon Winfrid-Boniface. A little later, Notger Zaika of the monastery of St. Gallen called Bede "the new sun of the West, destined to illuminate the whole world" [15]. Even before that, Yarrow had been burned by the Scandinavians, and Bede's remains were transferred to the fortified monastery of Durham, where they still rest.

Soon after his death, and possibly during his lifetime, Bede received the title of Venerable (Venerabilis), which was usually applied to learned theologians and historians of the church. This title accompanied him for centuries along with another title, "Doctor of the Church" (magister ecclesiae). The official canonization of Bede was hindered by the lack of clear evidence of the miracles performed by him during his lifetime, as well as of unusual phenomena associated with his relics. Only in 1899 did Pope Leo XIII declare Bede a saint and set May 27 as his feast day. The Anglican and other Protestant churches did not recognize this decision and still refer to Bede as the Venerable.

II. «История» и история

В предисловии к своему главному сочинению Беда писал, что он руководствуется «истинным законом истории» (uera lex historiae). Представления об этом законе он заимствовал у римских историков, прежде всего у Тацита, который писал: «Я считаю главнейшей обязанностью анналов сохранить память о проявлениях добродетели и противопоставить бесчестным словам и делам устрашение позором в потомстве» [16]. Однако в отличие от сочинений Тацита или Светония «История» представляет собой не просто галерею добрых и злых деяний; согласно христианской концепции линейной истории она выстраивает эти деяния в единую цепь, ведущую к конечной цели–спасению человечества во Христе. Этому принципу подчинена и модель сочинения Беды. Многие ученые отмечали двойную парадигму «Истории»; с одной стороны, она опиралась на «всемирные хроники» Павла Орозия, Проспера Аквитанского и Евсевия Кесарийского, с другой–на «Церковную историю» того же Евсевия. Этот труд епископа Кесарии представлял собой историю христианской церкви со времен апостолов до IV в. — ее распространение по Римской империи, несмотря на гонения и казни, борьбу с ересями и последовательность сменявших друг друга епископов. Беда, знавший «Церковную историю» в латинском переводе Руфина, попытался сделать в отношении английской церкви то же, что Евсевий сделал для церкви вселенской. Не случайно он писал комментарии к «Деяниям апостолов» параллельно с «Историей» [17]. Для него, как и для Евсевия, история церкви была лишь продолжением апостольской проповеди, поэтому он осуждал или просто не замечал то, что противоречило примеру апостолов–стяжание церковью богатств, равнодушное или небрежное отношение ее служителей к пастырскому долгу.

Следует отметить, что «История» находится не только на пересечении двух жанров (хроники и церковной истории), но и на рубеже двух периодов истории церкви. Первый период закончился на Западе в VIII–IХ вв.; это была эпоха утверждения веры, связанная с деятельностью святых отшельников и отважных миссионеров, не боявшихся мученического венца и даже стремившихся к нему. Ее сменила другая эпоха–время укрепления власти Рима, организации и унификации церковного управления и церковной доктрины, когда святых сменили администраторы и «князья церкви». Беда видел тех и других, но его симпатии принадлежали первым. Отсюда его прохладное, хотя и уважительное отношение к прославленным устроителям английской церкви–Теодору и Вилфриду. Также и в «Истории аббатов» едва заметные оттенки дают понять, что он предпочитал энергичному Бенедикту кроткого Кеолфрита. С восхищением он пишет о деяниях святого Кутберта или о строгости жизни ирландских монахов (хотя они и придерживались «неправильной» Пасхи).

Для Беды, как и для Евсевия, глубинная основа церкви оставалась той же, что и в апостольские времена, а ее главными проявлениями служили мученичество и чудо. Если рассказы о мучениках находятся на периферии повествования Беды–из них можно назвать только истории о святом Альбане и о братьях Хевальдах, — то чудеса занимают едва ли не главное место в «Истории». Как сын своего века, автор не особенно интересуется, происходит ли то или иное чудесное проявление от естественных причин, психологических факторов или случайных совпадений. Для него важно то, что оно является «чудом» (mirum), подтверждает Божью мощь и заботу о людях и служит обращению неверующих или укреплению усомнившихся. В этом контексте многочисленные рассказы о чудесах вписываются в повествование Беды куда органичнее, чем в «светские» истории того времени (например, то же сочинение Григория Турского), где они часто выглядят чужеродным элементом.

Другой важной темой «Истории» служит продвижение от языческой племенной раздробленности к христианскому универсализму. Об этом говорится уже в первой главе «Истории», где Беда пишет, что все народы и языки Британии объединяются божественной мудростью и ее языком–латынью [18]. При этом универсализм Беды не является политическим, что характерно для историков времен Каролингов. Он спокойно относится к раздробленности Англии и не призывает к объединению англосаксонских королевств. Однако для него чрезвычайно важно единство всех государств и народов Британии в лоне одной, а именно Римской церкви, в том числе единство в обрядовой сфере. Отсюда его повышенное внимание к вопросу исчисления Пасхи; недаром рассказ о соборе в Витби 664 г., на котором была принята римская Пасха, занимает столько места в «Истории» и фактически является ее смысловым центром (IV, 25). Для Беды это событие, как и принятие монахами Ионы римской Пасхи в 716 г., знаменует победу вселенской церкви над ее противниками и торжество истины.