However, in the case under consideration here, the main thing is not in the details of this kind, but in the fact that all three sources reporting on the epistle of Rostislav agree that the Moravians have already rejected the pagan faith, that they profess not any other, but the Christian faith (law), or, at least, do not tolerate the need for Christian teachers, of which there are many ("teachers of many"). The trouble was different—"we are simple children," and the need was also different—that this simple child should be explained the Christian faith not formally, but in essence, which in those days meant an explanation in her native Slavic language. Before the apostles, who, after Christ's death on the cross and resurrection, dispersed to different countries, no one there preached the Christian faith: their podvig was not only in preaching the word of Christ among peoples who were at best indifferent to preaching, and more often hostile (there were very few converts to the new faith at first), but also in the fact that they were the first. It must be assumed that the Equal-to-the-Apostles podvig presupposes the presence of the same conditions and the fulfillment of the same requirements. In the case of Constantine and Methodius, these conditions did not exist, and therefore it was impossible to present the claims arising from these conditions.

That the Moravian mission of the Thessaloniki brothers was not the first in these places is also testified to by the JM, which reports many Christian teachers from Vlach, Grok and Nemets (one could also mention the early Irish-Scottish mission in Moravia). Bavaria, Carantania, and northeastern Italy were ahead of Great Moravia in Christianization, and this primacy determined the directions of the corresponding influences. Regensburg, Freising, Passau, and Salzburg became centers of the irradiation of Christianity, primarily towards Moravia. The first signs of the penetration of Christianity into the territory of Great Moravia from the Carolingian Empire are found almost a century before the mission of the Thessaloniki Brethren, from the second half of the VIII century. This is evidenced by the incipient cases of burial according to the rite of corpse placement (along with, of course, the prevailing tradition of cremation) and the data relating to church buildings, which, in the light of archaeological and art historical research in recent decades, turn out to be both earlier in time (for example, Cybulka dates the Christian church near Modra to the time of about 800, although later dates are also proposed) and testify to a greater variety of types. reflecting external influences – Bavarian, Lower Danube, Adriatic, Eastern Mediterranean, etc. (churches with rectangular presbyteries are associated with the activities of Bavarian missions) [From the literature of the issue, cf. Dekan J. Zaciatky slovenskych dejin a Risa vel'komoravska. – In: Slovenske dejiny. Bratislava, 1949; Poulik J. Stari Moravane buduji svuj stat. 1960; Idem. Svèdectvi vyzkumu a pramenu archeologickych o Velké Morave. - In: Poulik Chropovsky В. a kol. Velka Morava a počatku československe stâtnosti. Praha–Bratislava, 1985; Aka. The Contribution of Czechoslovak Archaeology to the Study of the History of Great Moravia. In: Great Moravia and its historical and cultural significance. Moscow, 1985; Klanica Z. Naboženstvi a kult, jejich odraz v archeologickych pramenech. — In: Poulik J., Chropovsky В а кол. Op. cit; Cibulka J. Vel'komoravsky kostel v Modre u Velehradu a zacatky krest'anstvi na Morave. — «Monumenta Archeologica» 4, Praha, 1958; Idem. Zur Frühgeschichte der Architektur in Mähren. — In: Festschrift K. M. Swoboda. Wien, 1959; Idem. Grossmährische Kirchenbauten. — In: Sbornik Sancti Cyrillus et Methodius. Praha, 1963; Das Grossmährische Reich. Praha, 1963; Dittrich Z. R. Christianity in Great Moravia. Groningen, 1962; Havlik L. Stari Slovanè v rakouskem Podunaji v dobê od 6 do 12 stolèti. Praha, 1963; Idem. Velkâ Morava a štredoevropšti Slované. Praha, 1964; Idem. Učitele kreštane z Vlach i z Recka a z Nemec. — In: J. Poulikovi k šedesatinom. Praha, 1970; Vavrinek V. Die Christianiesierung und Kirchenorganisation Grossmährens. — «Historica» 7. Praha, 1963; Idem. Historicky vyznam byzantské misie na Velké oravè. — In: Poulik Chropovsky B. a kol. Op. cit.; Bosl Κ. Probleme der Missionierung des böhmischen–mährischen Herrschafts–raumes. — In: Siedlung und Verfassung Böhmens in der Frühzeit. Wiesbaden, 1967; Posmourny J. Cirkevni architektura Velkomoravské rise. — «Umèni» XII. 1964; Richter V. Die Anfänge der grossmährischen Architektur. — In: Magna Moravia. Brno, 1965; Dvornik F. Byzantské misie u Slovanu. Praha, 1970, 145–170; Chropovsky B. Slovensko na ùsvite dejin. Bratislava, 1970; Ratkos P. Vel'komoravské obdobie v Slovenskych dejinâch. — «Historicky časopis» 1958, № 6; Idem. Kristianizacia Vel'ku Moravy pred misio Cyrila a Metoda. — «Historicky časopis» 1971, № 4; Florya B. N. K otsenka istoricheskoi znachenie slavyanskoi pis'mennosti v Velikoi Morava [On the assessment of the historical significance of Slavic writing in the Great Morava]. In: Velikaya Moravia, 195–216; Aka. Adoption of Christianity in Great Moravia, Bohemia and Poland. In: The Adoption of Christianity by the Peoples of Central and South-Eastern Europe and the Baptism of Russia. Moscow, 1988, 122–158 and others, not to mention the old works of B. Bretholz, V. Novotny, I. L. Chervinka and others; the work of J. Eisner "Slovensko v pravéku" (Bratislava, 1932) should be especially highlighted. In the "Conversion of the Bavarians and Carantanis" it is indicated that the Salzburg archbishop Adalram (821-836) consecrated a temple built for Pribina in Nitrava, although Pribina himself was still a pagan (he was baptized after his expulsion from the principality by the Frankish king Louis the German). In 831, Reginhar, Bishop of Passau, according to the Notae de episcopis pataviensibus (thirteenth century), "baptized all Moravians" (MMFH IV, 407). Probably, under Mojmir in the 30s of the ninth century, the jurisdiction of the Church of Passau was already extended to Moravia (according to the "Conversion" it was not yet part of the Salzburg possessions). The situation in Moravia in the first half of the ninth century was characterized by two important features: religiously, the diversity of Christian influences ("more often different", as it is said in the JM), associated with the presence in Moravia of missionaries representing different traditions and flocking here from different places (openness to the experience of Christian conversion in its various versions), in the state-political sense, the peaceful relations of Moravia with the Carolingian Empire, in which, it seems, both sides were equally interested: the Empire was satisfied with having Christian or Christianizing Moravia as its neighbor from the east, and the latter with a strong Empire guaranteeing the safety and preservation of this Slavic principality (signs of such a "peaceful coexistence", in which everyone knows his place, can be seen in the report of 822 about the Moravians as part of the "Eastern Slavs" who sent ambassadors with gifts to the Emperor Louis, cf. MMFH I, 50). In any case, the general policy of the Empire in the person of its secular and ecclesiastical authorities in a certain period preceding the Slavic mission was apparently determined by tasks corresponding to the composition and specifics of the Empire and aimed at what could be called harmonizing synthetism. In solving these problems, a special place was given to Christianization and church organization, which at first fully allowed for a variety of forms of introduction to Christianity, including the problem of choosing the language of worship. The fact that both the secular authorities (cf. the capitularies of Charlemagne) and the clergy (cf. the decisions of church synods) allowed and even prescribed the reading of the Gospel to parishioners in their language as the only or most understandable to them, and that the missionaries undoubtedly showed interest in the linguistic problem of Christianization, testifies to the existence at the beginning of the ninth century of favorable conditions for the formation of worship in "their" Slavonic, language and in Great Moravia. Therefore, in general, and even more so in particular, I fully agree with the criticism to which the recent study of the spiritual life of the Slavs in the early Middle Ages has been subjected (Zagiba F. Das Geistesleben der Slaven im frühen Mittelalter. Wien, Köln, Graz, 1971) on the part of B. H. Florey ("On the Assessment of the Historical Significance of Slavic Writing in the Great Morava", see above), nevertheless, it is impossible to exclude the very possibility of the experiments of Bavarian missionaries in translating into the Slavonic language of the local Moravian population at least the simplest religious texts (prayers, the Symbol of Faith, confessional formulas; Zagiba also speaks about the translation of sermons and Gospel readings and, moreover, about the actual solution of the problem of creating a Slavic written language in the course of the activities of the Bavarian mission). In this form, the opinion of the researcher seems to be an extreme and, in any case, hardly a provable proposition. But that such experiments could have taken place seems quite probable, taking into account the circumstances of the time, the subsequent tradition of interest in the "foreign" language among German missionaries, and, finally, some considerations of an internal nature.

Among the latter, it is worth noting that the words from Rostislav's message "in your language" (see above) according to the ZhK version are absent both in the ZhM and in the "Italian Legend". Moreover, they are also absent in the Glagolitic service to Saints Cyril and Methodius according to the Ljubljana (Novlya) breviary, cf.: "The teacher is not such an imam, who said the true faith of the Christian..." Under "there is no such Imam, Who would declare the true faith of Christianity in his own language..." Cyrillic text (see Lavrov 1930, 130). Therefore, it seems quite plausible to assume that these words were interpolated into the Cyrillic text of the ZhK (cf. Kurz J. Nekolik poznâmek to the textu "Života" Konstantinova a Metodejova. — In: Studia linguistica in honorem Thaddei Lehr–Splawinski. Warszawa, 1963, 186). The motif of interpolation in the context of the glorification of Constantine-Cyril is clear and does not require explanation, but the motive for the omission of these "winning" words in the abbreviation of hagiographic texts is poorly understood and needs to be explained. If these considerations are correct, then the motive of "one's own language" was not the main one in Rostislav's epistle, although it was implicitly present in it: the main motive was, apparently, a way out of the difficult and contradictory situation in which the "simple children" found themselves, bewildered by many and different teachers in the matter of faith. Of course, it was easier to find this sense in "one's own language", and it is in this context that "one's own language" finds its place. Of course, Rostislav's appeal to the Byzantine emperor with a request to send a verator also pursued certain political goals (claims to a certain independence of choice) and was associated with prestigious considerations, but all this is of secondary importance in connection with the problem under consideration.

Be that as it may, despite all the restrictions – quite real or only possible and plausible – on the activity of the Thessaloniki brothers in Moravia from the point of view of its correspondence to the Equal-to-the-Apostles podvig, there remains an undoubted connection between their labors and such a podvig, which, however, is carried out in a somewhat different form than in the times of the first Apostles, in which Equal-to-the-Apostles is somewhat obscured (at least so it may seem at first glance) by a different specificity. However, in essence, this specificity concretizes one of the variants of the Equal-to-the-Apostles podvig – the primordial teaching-enlightenment (with an emphasis on the second article), in which the leading and directing force was the Word – both at the level presupposing its inexhaustible logos depth, and at the level of practical needs of communion with the new word of Christian doctrine. In this case, it was really a matter of one's own word and of a kind of continuity of the early apostolic tradition. This continuity manifests itself first of all in the very phenomenon of addressing pagan peoples who are not familiar with Christianity and alien to it in their native language. For the Apostles, this conversion was a response to the Lord's command to them: "Go ye therefore, teach all nations" (cf. Matt. 28:19), which they fulfilled and brought forth a good result: "Their proclamation went forth into all the world, and their words to the ends of the world." This apostolic act was adopted as a kind of irrevocable paradigm for all those whose deeds were later evaluated as a continuation of the apostolic feat and who were recognized in their time as Equal-to-the-Apostles saints. Constantine the Philosopher was one of them. But the specificity of this conversion to the pagans and their conversion to Christianity consisted in the use of language for teaching the Christian faith not of those who taught, but of those who, having passed through the teaching, were to learn. In this respect, Constantine followed the apostolic trail, although the conditions for the performance of this "linguistic" act were different and the breakthrough into a "foreign" language took place in different ways. The miracle of transfiguration in the "tongue" took place with the apostles on the feast of weeks (the feast of the harvest) of Pentecost, the 50th day after Easter, established in memory of the Sinai legislation (cf. Exodus 32). In Christianity, Pentecost is associated with the remembrance of the descent of the Holy Spirit on the apostles (Acts 2:1-22) and since the time of the Apostles has become one of the main Christian holidays (Trinity Day). On this day all the apostles came to Jerusalem with one accord together (ησαν πάντες όμού έπΐ το αύτο), Acts 2, 1. At the same time and there were also "the Jews, pious men, of every nation (από παντός εθνους) under heaven" (Acts 2:5). Everything that happened that day is described in the Acts briefly, precisely, as if fiery — "And suddenly (αφνω) there was a noise from heaven, as if from a rushing strong wind (φερομενης πνοής βιαίας), and filled (έπλήρωσεν) all the house where they were; And there appeared to them cloven tongues, as if of fire (διαμεριζόμεναι γλωσσαι ωσεΐ πυρος), and they rested one upon each of them. And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit (επλήσθησαν πάντες Πνεύματος Άγίου), and began to speak in other tongues (λαλεΐν έτέραις γλώσσαις), as the Spirit gave them utterance" (2:2-4).

The subject of this miracle was the Holy Spirit, and the apostles were the place of application of his power, the object of transfiguration. And in general, the spirit of metamorphism and transfiguration is clearly present in this fragment in connection with the theme of language and motivates the connection and mutual transition that is found between the tongue of flame and the language behind it, the organ of human speech, on the one hand, and the language of the people and the people themselves, on the other [it is characteristic that in this fragment τα εθνη "people", present in the key phrase πορευθεντες ούν μαθητεύσατε πάντα τα εθνη. Matt. 28, 19, as it were, recedes into the shadows, becoming something extensive and inexpressive (compare, however, a little later ανδρες... από παντός εθνους. Acts 2, 5, although already in the next phrase 2, 6 the people are denoted through the concept of plural fullness — συνήλθεν το πλήθος), and in its place another word — τα γλώσσα — is already revealed, in which the possibility of the emergence of a new meaning — "people" — is already revealed, for whatever language is a people, and vice versa — whatever is a people, it is a language, realized, however, to the end in the Slavic language, which has learned the lessons of Hellenism: The Apostles came to the nations and preached to them the Christian faith in tongues, cf. pagan]. And these were the new languages proclaimed by Jesus Christ, transformed by a new content and a new way of existence, and transforming the old pagan peoples into new people, where it no longer makes sense to distinguish and separate from each other the Greek from the Jew ("And he said to them, Go ye into all the world [εις τον κόσμον άπαντα] and preach the Gospel to every creature. Whoever believes and is baptized will be saved. […] And these signs will follow those who believe: in My name [...] they will speak with new tongues [γλώσσαις λαλήσουσιν καιναΐς]." Mark 16:15-17), because the whole context has been transformed into a new one, now everything is new ['Behold, I create all things new' ('Ιδού καινά ποιώ πάντα)'. Rev. 21:5; "Whosoever therefore is in Christ a new creature (καινή κτίσις); the ancient has passed away, now everything is new (ιδού γέγονεν καινά)." 2 Cor. 5, 17] — the new man ["To put aside the old way of life of the old man [...] To be renewed by the spirit of your mind (άνανεούσθαι δε τώ πνεύματι τού νοός ύμών) and to put on the new man (και ένδύσασθαι τον καινον άνθρωπον)." Ephesus. 4, 24; "In order [...] to create [...] a new man (ενα καινόν άνθρωπον), building the world." Ephesus. 2:15], a new man and a new creature, a new wine and new skins, a new earth and a new heaven, a new name, a new Jerusalem, a new commandment, a new song, a new testament.

The Acts of the Holy Apostles describe not only how the Holy Spirit descended upon them and how they were filled with the gift of speaking in foreign tongues, but also the confusion and amazement that seized those present, so numerous and so different in their linguistic affiliation: "When this noise was made, the people gathered together and were thrown into confusion; for every one has heard them speaking in his own tongue (τη ιδία διαλεκτω λαλούντων αύτών). And they were all amazed and amazed, saying among themselves, "Are not all these who speak Galileans? How do we each hear his own dialect in which we were born (τη ιδία διαλεκτω ημών εν η εγγενής μεν). The Parthians, and the Medes, and the Elamites, and the inhabitants of Mesopotamia, Judea, and Cappadocia, Pontus and Asia, Phrygia and Pamphylia, Egypt, and the parts of Libya adjoining Cyrene, and those who came from Rome, the Jews and the proselytes, the Cretans and the Arabians, do we hear them in our tongues speaking (λαλούντων αύτων ταΐς ήμετέραις γλώσσαις) of the great works of God? And they were all amazed, and perplexed and said to one another, What does this mean?" (2, 6–12). By all indications, it was a genuine miracle, moreover, as the Apostle Peter explained to those who doubted or tried to turn everything into a joke, foretold by the prophet Joel, whose words are immediately quoted (2:17-21), and not even just a miracle, but events of a world-wide, epoch-making nature. To understand its meaning, we need to go back to those distant times when "there was one language (šph "mouth" as an organ of articulate speech in all the earth) and one dialect" (Genesis 11:1), and when people, in the name of self-assertion and the desire to become famous, came up with the mad idea of a city and a tower "as high as heaven." When the mad thought began to be embodied in a foolish deed, "the Lord came down to see the city and the tower which the sons of men were building. And the Lord said, Behold, there is one people, and they all have one tongue; and this is what they have begun to do, and they will not depart from what they have planned to do. Let us go down and confuse their language in such a way that one does not understand the speech of the other. And the Lord scattered them from there over all the earth" (11:5-8). The multiplicity of languages and their diversity (differences) are the result of the punishment imposed by the Lord on people, just as the expulsion of the first people from Paradise was also a punishment for transgressing the commandment of the Lord, but in both cases each of these punishments had its own teleology, its own lesson to people, its own plan of God, and all that was needed was a happy convergence of all this in one place and at one time. so that this God-given curse of linguistic plurality and diversity, which became the curse of disunity in communication, deafness in semantic space, isolation not only of languages, but also of languages-peoples, was transformed into a kind of good miracle, which, in fact, happened in Jerusalem on the day of Pentecost, when, on the largest scale, the old punishment for the Babylonian undertaking was removed, overcome, and abolished.

Considering that "all Christian humanity, and in particular Byzantium and Rus', has sinned most of all against the main historical call and covenant of Pentecost, against the universality and catholicity of the Church," Father Sergius Bulgakov in the days of his temptation experienced in 1922, "in the busy days of his Crimean sitting under the Bolsheviks during the very first and destructive persecution of the Church in Russia" (see S. Bulgakov, Autobiographical Notes, Paris, 1946, 48-49), posed one of the key questions to which the Russian historical Church was unable to give a satisfactory answer, and he himself tried to answer it:

After all, in what was Pentecost first and most directly expressed? In overcoming the Babylonian alienation: "When the tongues of fusion descended, the Most High divided the tongues." All-humanity was lost, only isolated nationalities and languages remained. And here is this significant miracle: apostolic preaching, simultaneously understood in all languages, and then no less wondrous spiritual miracle – the overcoming of the most selfish, proud and exclusive nationalism, which was Jewish, Hellenic and Roman. And instead of this, a new consciousness: in Christ there is neither Greek, nor Jew, barbarian nor Scythian – and this apostolic preaching to all the earth and to the ends of the world, which destroyed the national barriers, and with what difficulty, with what torment this was accomplished – remember the works of the Apostle Paul, his debates with the Apostle Peter, and his vacillations, and the Apostolic Council. However, tongues of fire burned and melted what seemed to be the indestructible strongholds of human limitations."

(Bulgakov S. N. At the Walls of Hersoniss. St. Petersburg, 1993, 78).

The miracle of the disintegration of a single language into a multitude of different languages, which had lost common meanings and the possibility of breaking through to understanding them and understanding each other, was not only covered on the day of Pentecost by the miracle of the unification in meaning and the acquisition of lost meanings, but also surpassed: while preserving all linguistic plurality and all linguistic diversity, the common meaning became accessible to each language and each people; It turned out that each language, as in a mirror, reflected this general meaning, deepening and differentiating it, that each language-people carried its own image of this meaning, and all these images, equivalent to each other, restored the new single language in due depth. The triumph of Christianity would hardly have been possible without this miracle of a breakthrough into a new space of language and the meanings born in it. The miracle, by the way, consisted precisely in the fact that many things, different and different, having fallen into a new force field, not only did not increase alienation and isolation, but, on the contrary, contributed to the creation of a more complex and therefore deeper and more reliable unity in the linguistic layer where meanings are born and formed, referring to that one and higher Meaning, which is the Word of the Gospel of John. In this respect, historical Christianity did a great deal of work, in the light of which the single plan of God became clear, which lay both in the Babylonian separation of meaning-languages and in their Pentecostal unification.

What is meaning (*sb–myslъ)? — Thought open to connection with other thoughts and directed towards good (с-< *sъ-< *su — "good"), inseparable from being (*es-: *s-), sign, meaning, knowledge (from *g'en — "to be born" & "to know" >"to mean"), the main thing in the composition of the word, forming its core and having a craving to grow and go beyond its own limits, transforming "simply" the word into a wise word with the in order to behold behind it the one and all-encompassing Word, which was in the beginning, was with God, there was God, through whom all things were made, and in whom was that life which was the light of men, shining in darkness and not yielding to it — έν αύτω ζωη ήν, και ή ζωη ην το φώς των ανθρώπων. και το φως εν τη σκοτία φαίνει, καί η σκοτία αυτό ού κατέλαβεν. John 1:4-5; φαίνει — "shines", i.e. appears, reveals itself, announces its existence in the sphere of the phenomenal).

The task of recognizing the light, of bearing witness to it, is one of the most important, and it was entrusted to John the Baptist, who was sent to bear witness to the Light. "There was a true Light (το φως το άληιθινόν) who enlightens (φωτίζει) every man who comes into the world" (John 1:9), but when He came into the world, He was not known by it and was not accepted. "And to those who received Him, He gave power to become children of God, who [...] were born of God. And the Word became flesh and dwelt among us, full of grace and truth" (1:12-14). But the Incarnate Word itself, the true Light, illuminated and enlightened, and in this act there was at the same time a luminosity-enlightenment and a witness to it. It is no accident that the motifs of light and enlightenment are more than once emphasized in the ZhK in connection with Constantine, with his activities (cf. at the beginning of the ZhK after it is said about God's desire "that all may be saved, and come to true understanding, for He does not want to die a sinner, but also to repent, — Who hath created in our generation and raised up for us a teacher of this Lord, who enlighten our tongue, our mind darkened by weakness" [it takes overcoming a certain inertia in order to fully grasp that the "enlightenment of the language" presupposes not only the people, but also the language, or more precisely, the "people-language", in which the light of meaning is induced by the highest light of God to meet it, freed from the darkness of amorphousness]; cf. in connection with Gregory the Theologian, which is followed by Constantine: "For thy mouth, as one of the seraphim, they glorify God, and enlighten all that is inhabited by the righteousness of the faith by chastisement [...] Come and be me an enlightener and teacher"; cf. in the "Eulogy to Cyril and Methodius" according to the manuscript of the Dormition Cathedral: "In the western countries of Pannonstekh and Moravia, as the darkness of the sinful enlightener with letters..." [cf. in the manuscript of the Yugoslav Academy in Zagreb about the "luminaries of the sei inhabitants, which [...] there came like a dark place [...] and enlightener, and the darkness of heretical and filthy fire with spiritual fire"; — "As the rays of the slenchnye, the light of God's understanding enlightened the whole world"], see Lavrov 1930, 84, 89, 90; cf. also in the GC and "light to light to light" at the end of the text with "The luminary is the commandment of the law and the light" at the beginning, cf. "and the light shines upon him day and night" [it should be remembered that in the Old Testament the verb to enlighten is rare: 2 Sam. 22:29; Psalm 17:29; Ezra 9:8; Job 33:30 and Psalm 33, 6; 118, 130; this verb is mentioned only 6 times in the New Testament, although in the contexts to which its use in the GC originates, cf. Luke 1:79; John 1:9; 2 Cor. 4, 6; Ephesus. 1, 18; Hebrew. 6, 4; 10, 32; cf. Enlightenment. Luke 2:32].

Remembering that Constantine the Philosopher followed the same path that was once revealed to the apostles by Jesus Christ Himself, and thereby continued their podvig in the new conditions, one should not forget about the differences. At that Pentecost he was not with the apostles in Jerusalem, the Holy Spirit did not come upon him, and the gift of speaking in tongues was not miraculously revealed to him. Although Constantine was also familiar with the amazing revelations in this area, which happened to him by God's will (so was the opinion of the compiler of his "Life", who recorded such cases, cf. the "Kherson" episode with the Samaritan: "shut yourself up in the temple, and pray behold, and receive from God, and read the books of blemish"; cf. the miraculous discovery of the letters in Thessalonica before the beginning of the Bulgarian mission, according to the version of the "Thessaloniki Legend", or the opening of the inscriptions before the Moravian mission: "Philosophius went to prayer, according to the first custom, and with the frost the henchmen. God will soon show him, listen to the prayers of his servants" [however, this help of God was foreseen: when before the Moravian mission Constantine shared with the Caesar and his uncle Bardas the possible difficulties, they said to him: "If you wish, God can give you what you will give, which will give you everything, to those who will be forgiven without doubt and rejected by corruption"], but still the main thing was work, Work, and what he succeeded, was achieved by his own efforts and quite consciously and purposefully.