There was a conspiracy of the leaders of monasticism not to accept Juvenal and to elect a new head for Palestine, as well as to elect new bishops in place of the "fallen in Chalcedon."

Juvenal arrived in rebellious Jerusalem. All his measures were fruitless. Monasteries were locked up and turned into fortresses. Prisons were opened, and the city was subjected to looting and fires. The murders began. They encroached on Juvenaly. Severian of Scythopolis was killed. Juvenal fled to Constantinople. The monk Theodosius was proclaimed bishop of Jerusalem. Empress Eudoxia was the soul of this revolutionary movement. Theodosius ordained bishops throughout Palestine. The movement did not even mention its theological forefather, Eutychus. They shouted about the salvation of the faith of Nicaea and Cyril, as if betrayed by Pope Leo and the Council of Chalcedon. The monks even directly condemned Eutychus.

The military commander Comite Dorotheus received from the government an order to quell the revolt and restore Juvenal. The monks opposed the military commander, also forming an army, as the Maccabees once did against Antiochus. The meeting of the troops took place near the capital of ancient Samaria, Neapolis-Nablus. The negotiations were unsuccessful. The battle began, the monks were defeated, and Jerusalem was taken manu militari. Juvenaly was reinstated.

But he also needed inner peace. The leader Theodosius fled to Sinai. Peter the Iberian (one of the Georgian princes, a significant personality in the history of heretical theology) went into hiding. The Empress Eudoxia, spared and untouched, continued to agitate fiercely. The imperial couple, Marcian and Pulcheria, were forced to write to the monks. They asked Lev's dad to do the same. Dad also wrote to Evdokia herself. Some of the tsar's relatives also wrote to her. But Evdokia resigned herself only under the blow of fate. In 455, her son-in-law, the Western Emperor Valentinian III, was killed in a riot. Rome was plundered by the Vandals. Her daughter and granddaughters were taken captive to Africa. Stricken, Eudoxia recognized in this the punishment of God and left the field of church struggle. The Sinai refugee Theodosius was arrested, brought to Constantinople, put in prison, where he soon died.

In Egypt.

The turmoil continued. In Cappadocia, the monk George stirred up against Thalassius. In Constantinople itself there are a number of abbots. But the revolt especially grew and deepened in Egypt. Dioscorus was already exiled to Paphlagonia, to Gangra, where he soon died. In his place under the protectorate of the prefect, a new bishop was elected. The clergy and high society, who had hitherto favored the failed Dioscorus, received the new bishop peacefully. Moreover, the chosen one was the presbyter Proterius, a confidant of Dioscorus. But the monks raised the mob, who shouted that when Dioscorus was alive, the elections were illegal. We had to act with an army. But the authorities underestimated the power of the rebellion. The troops retreated to the Serapeum (a pagan temple and part of the University). But there the mob besieged them and burned them alive. Then the government mobilized the proper force, and the city was conquered. As punishment, the population of the African capital was deprived of the state distribution of bread, baths and theaters. But the "lower classes" continued to resist Proterius. The result was a situation of civil war against the clearly looming background of national separatism.

Some bishops had to be deprived of their places for involvement in the opposition. But the opposition itself did not die under political pressure. The reason for its discovery was the death of Dioscorus in exile in Gangra in 454. The silentiarius John was sent from the capital to Egypt with the special task of reconciling the opposition with Proterius, but he was unsuccessful. The leaders of the opposition were the adherents of Dioscorus, the organizers of the Robber Council of Ephesus in 449: the presbyter Timothy Elurus and the deacon Peter Mongus [43]. They condemned Eutychus and his doctrine and limited themselves to adherence only to Cyril. Consequently, they differed in this with Dioscorus, who in Ephesus proclaimed Eutychus to be Orthodox. These adherents of Cyril did not want to hear about the "two natures," nor about the tomos of Leo, nor about the Council of Chalcedon. Sparing Dioscorus, they explained that he had been deposed not for heresy, but for the audacious excommunication of Pope Leo. And he was right in this, for Pope Leo is a Nestorian. Through the silentiarius John, Timothy Elurus and Peter Mongus expounded these views to the emperor Marcian. But Proterius, legitimately defending himself, had to depose both in a conciliar manner.

Changes on the throne and vacillations of emperors.

Pulcheria died in 453, Marcian in 457, and after the suppression of the descendants of Theodosius, power in the East fell to the general Leo I (457-474). He wished Patriarch Anatolius of Constantinople to crown him. Anatoly willingly did this both in order to elevate his own position as the head of the church of the Second Rome, and in order to transform the rite of state into the rite of church symbolism.

In Egypt, the opposition, taking advantage of the temporary absence of a military governor who was traveling to the capital, hastily procured the necessary bishops and, to the delight of the crowd, consecrated Timothy Elurus as Dioscorus' successor. Hearing of this, the governor Dionysius returned and banished Timothy into exile. But the revolt forced him to return Timothy and make an attempt to reconcile with the schism, thus ensuring the peaceful coexistence of the two parties. But it was too late. On Holy Thursday, March 28, a mob broke into the baptistery of the church of Quirinus, where Proterius was serving, and killed him. Then she mocked the body for a long time, dragged it through the streets, hung it up, mocking it in a savage way, and finally burned it and scattered it to the wind. Such are the manifestations of all revolutions, including religious ones...!

Timothy Elurus was left alone in Alexandria. Exhausted by quarrels, some of Proterius' adherents were ready to reconcile with Timothy. But Timothy himself, as a tool in the hands of the extremes, could not give the slightest concession. His position required him to eliminate all Chalcedonian bishops without exception. Even the Alexandrian clerics in Constantinople themselves protested against such excesses. But Timothy sent other representatives to the capital to intercede with the emperor for the revolutionary movement at the head of which he found himself.

The 28th canon of the Council of Chalcedon, which elevated the Patriarch of Constantinople, played a saving role here. Anatoly would personally be suitable for this compromise. After all, he himself abruptly passed from Eutychus sympathies to the Chalcedonian doctrine. The Pope even complained that in Constantinople Anatoly was making peace with the "Eutychites". Anatolius could have inspired the Monophysites, if the height of his patriarchal authority had not been connected with the Council of Chalcedon. He had to stand up for Chalcedon and instilled this in the new government.

Nevertheless, the government had to reckon with the Egyptian "revolution". The murderers of Proterius were found and executed. But the question of Timofey was given to a tactically lengthy investigation. Timothy Elur's envoys even established contacts with the court in Constantinople. Papa Leo was worried. He feared that a new council would be convened to revise Chalcedon. The Pope wrote to Constantinople, Antioch, Jerusalem, and Thessalonica. The emperor did not convene a council, but resorted to a questionnaire, or episcopal "plebiscite": 1) Is it necessary to adhere to the Council of Chalcedon? and (2) whether Timothy Elour should be recognized as Archbishop of Alexandria? Motivated statements from two Egyptian parties were added to the questions. The bishops unanimously rejected the legitimacy of Timothy. Only one metropolitan of Sidon, Amphilochius, spoke out against the Council of Chalcedon. Even at the Council of Chalcedon, he barely renounced Eutychus. Popular leaders of Syrian monasticism were also requested: Simeon the Stylite, Baradates, and James. Their answers coincided with those of the bishops. But the court was afraid of direct measures, afraid of the Egyptian "revolution". They began to beg Pope Leo to soften his comments on the Chalcedonian Oros. The Pope amicably agreed and sent a new long letter to Constantinople, in which he again set forth the whole dispute and softened his expressions. There is no "in two natures" here. The Monophysite formula was criticized mildly. In the enclosed texts, a place of honor is given to Cyril. The emperor with this letter sent a silentiarius to Egypt to Timothy. This possibility of peace, alas, Timothy rejected. Demagogy took him prisoner. The religious war inevitably rose again.

The Dux of Egypt Style was given the task of removing Timothy by force. The "Proterians" sided with the authorities. Thousands died in battles. Timothy was arrested and taken away by land, first to Palestine, and from there to Constantinople. Pope Leo began to fear that negotiations with Timothy would begin again. Timothy, however, was exiled to Gangry, but for continuing the agitation – even further, to our Crimean Chersonesos. He lived there until 475, continuing to write much against Chalcedon, but also emphasizing the rejection of the doctrine of Eutychus.