Typos did not find Pope Theodore alive. Martin was chosen as his successor (May 13, 649), who had previously been the apocrisiary of Constantinople. His election took place without the consent of the Emperor of Constantinople. Martin did not accept the typos and convened a Lateran Council, which was attended by 105 bishops and had 5 secretaries (sessions) from October 5 to October 31, 649. Of the Easterners were Stephen, Bishop of Dor, plenipotentiary of Patriarch Sophronius, and the abbots of the Greek monasteries in Rome.

The assembly was opened by a speech by the pope, in which he set forth the course of affairs that had taken place in Constantinople. At the second meeting, Stephen of Dora asked the pope to take up the restoration of Orthodoxy, which Sophronius defended. From the third session, the actual conciliar investigation of Sergius, Cyrus and Paul of Constantinople began. At the fourth session, the view of Theodore of Pharan was mainly considered. In his teaching On μία ενέργεια, τούτης δέ τεχνίτης καί δημιουργός ό Θεός, the Pope saw Apollinarianism (usually recognized as the source of Monothelitism) and Arianism (if God is the creator of energy, then it is operatio condita; and as energy, so is nature; ergo: Christ is a created being); and Theodore's opinion that Christ άόγκως and, so to speak, άσωμάτως passed from the womb of the Holy Virgin is recognized as docetical and Manichean. The fifth meeting was especially important. In some places from the writings of the heretics it was proved that the Monothelite questions had already been outlined by them, and in places from the Holy Fathers it was proved that a) ενέργεια is the σύνδρομος of nature, b) that in Christ both divinity and humanity have a will, and c) that in Christ both divinity and humanity act. Then the Chalcedonian definition of faith is read with the addition: "We confess both the two unmerged natures of one and the same, and the two natural wills of divinity and humanity, in full confirmation that one and the same Lord desires and works our divine and human salvation." In 20 canons anathematisms are set forth against the Monothelite teaching and its leaders.

The Pope tried to exert pressure on the Constantinople government through the Frankish kings, and he himself appointed John, Bishop of Philadelphia, as his legate to the East, to carry out the decision of the Lateran Council. But in the East, opposition to the council came primarily from the side from which one could least expect. Paul of Thessalonica, who, according to the traditions of his church, should have been a preacher of Roman influence, as vicarius sedis apostolicae, turned out to be an opponent of the council. Even before the council, he expressed himself in his communicative letter very vaguely and evaded signing the formula sent to him from Rome, and instead of signing he presented his new confession of faith, with some Monothelite expressions. The Pope pronounced deposition and anathema against him for this.

Meanwhile, a thunderstorm was gathering over the pope. Even during the council sessions, the imperial legate Olympius arrived in Rome with an order to capture Martin. But he entered into friendly relations with Martin and, having secret designs against Byzantium, went on a campaign against the Saracens, where he died of an ulcer. Friendship with the conspirator Olympius did a lot of harm to the pope. On Saturday, June 15, 653, a new imperial envoy, Calliope, arrived in Rome. Fearing popular indignation, he refrained from hostile actions against the pope on Sunday; but on Monday the pope's house was searched, motivating it by Martin's complicity with Olympia. Of course, the weapons they were looking for in the diocese were not found. The pope, at this time ill, having a premonition of evil, decided to go to the Lateran Council and placed his bed before the altar. But at midnight Calliope came to the temple and arrested the pope, as accused of having been ordained uncanonically and illegally, irregulariter et sine lege, of teaching incorrectly about the Holy Virgin and of sending money to the Saracens. He then put the pope on board a ship and sent him to Constantinople on June 19, where he arrived on September 17. In the evening of the same day, he was imprisoned, where he remained for 93 days. On December 20, he was summoned to court.

A certain sacellarius presided, who ordered the pope, as the accused, in spite of his illness, to stand. The prosecutors began directly with political treason, and witnesses were also exhibited. Martin began: "When the typos was sent to Rome...", but the chairman would not allow him to speak of the faith, and demanded an answer directly to the accusations that he had not restrained Olympius from his hostile designs. Martin answered: "You in Constantinople could not stop Valentine; How could I hold Olympius, who had an army and arms?" Fearing answers equally strong, the sacellarius stopped the investigation and went to report to the emperor. Receiving his answer, he gave orders that the pope's vestments be torn off and exposed to the mockery of the crowd, which was forced to shout to him: "Anathema! Then they put him in prison, where he was treated extremely cruelly and rudely. The intercessor for him was Paul of Constantinople, who lay dying and complained that the inhuman treatment of Martin would be imputed to him, the patriarch, at the judgment of Christ. Pyrrhus was chosen as Paul's successor. Martin was now required to confess that Pyrrhus had been treated cruelly in Rome and had been forced to renounce his Monothelitism. But Martin, of course, refused such a confession. On March 26, 655, he was sent to Tauric Cherson, where he died on September 16 of the same year. As early as [August] 654, his successor, Eugene I, was elected.

An interesting question is: did the Constantinople government believe in the accusations that were made against the Pope? — Probably, yes. In those troubled times, everyone saw in an important person a public figure with a political character. Pyrrhus himself was more of a political partisan than an ecclesiastical figure. His very attitude towards Martin, his repentance of Monothelitism, and his new conversion to Monothelitism, are explained from political aims. For this reason, the suspicious government of Constantinople did not trust the political reliability of the Pope, just as it looked from a political point of view at the activities of Maximus, who was taken up after Martin.

In 655 Maximus was captured and brought to Constantinople together with his disciple Anastasius, and there he was accused of a political crime. He was accused of having taken Egypt by the Saracens, interpreting in the sense of political treason his friendly relations with the governor Gregory, that he loved only the Latins and did not like the Greeks. Regarding the last point, Maximus agreed, explaining that he loved the Latins not for their nationality, but for their Orthodoxy. Then another semi-political accusation against Maximus was that he did not recognize the emperor as high priest and even anathematized him. To the question: "Τί ούν; ουκ εστι πας βασιλεύς Χριστιανός καί ίερεύς;» (Ergo non est omnis christianus imperator etiam sacerdos?) Maximus replied decisively: "ουκ έστιν" (non est!). But just as firmly he rejected that the anathema to which he had committed the typos also applied to the emperor: the typos, as an ecclesiastical document, lies outside the competence of the state power, and was drawn up not by the emperor himself, but by other persons who had misled the emperor himself. That the emperor was not sacerdos, Maximus proved [among other things] by the fact that at divine services the emperors are commemorated [together with the laity, after the persons of the priestly order]. And Maximus rejected the accusation of Origenism by pronouncing an anathema against Origen.

During the interrogations, Maximus was treated gently, in the hope of persuading him to reconcile: in Constantinople at this time a new union project was being worked out, which had already been outlined by the presbyter Peter. Its essential difference from the typos was that while in the typos it was forbidden to speak of either one or two wills, here it was permitted to recognize in Christ both one will (hypostatic) and two wills (natural), and one action and two actions. By all means they tried to persuade Maximus to accept this project of the three wills in Christ and to reconcile, on the basis of it, with the Church of Constantinople. It was asserted that even Pope Eugene I himself was ready to accept this compromise, and his apocrisiaries entered into communion with the Patriarch of Constantinople. Maximus did not agree to this compromise, although he was threatened with anathema and the death penalty for stubbornness; He argued that the apocrisiaries had exceeded their authority. In fact, when they returned to Rome with the epistle of Peter, now Patriarch of Constantinople, in which he rather secretly expounded the doctrine of the three wills in Christ, the clergy and people did not let the pope leave the church until he promised to reject Peter's epistle.

In the meantime, Maximus was exiled to Visia (in Thracian Europe). Theodosius, bishop of Caesarea Bithynia, came to him and persuaded him to enter into an agreement with Constantinople. But all attempts by Theodosius to reconcile Maximus with the status quo of Constantinople were unsuccessful; he succeeded, however, in arousing in Maximus the hope for the restoration of Orthodoxy in the East. Maxim willingly promised his assistance in this. But the hope was not fulfilled; In fact, Maximus was imprisoned and kept in one monastery or another, until a final decision was made in Constantinople in relation to the Diphelites. The council assembled there anathematized him, together with Sophronius and Martin. Maximus and two of his disciples were sentenced to have their tongues and hands cut off and exiled to Lazica. Maximus died on August 13, 662.

После этих событий наступило затишье. Рим, пользуясь смутами, начал жизнь своеобразную. Со времени Юстиниана в Риме поставляли епископов с согласия Византии. Теперь же в Риме стали обходиться без этого согласия. Папа Евгений уживался мирно с Константинополем. Преемники его также поддерживали сношения с Византией, и когда Констант задумал перенести свою столицу в Рим, — его там встретили с большим почетом. {стр. 489} Констант казнил своего брата, поставленного уже в диакона, по обвинению в политической измене. Византийский народ не перенес безмолвно столь великого злодеяния, и стал величать императора Каином. Император этим до того расстроился, что ему стал представляться умерший брат с чашей, наполненной собственною кровью. Под влиянием этого император пришел к мысли, что ему нужно бежать из Византии, и он ушел в Рим, откуда переселился в Сицилию, где был убит заговорщиками. Эти последние преемником убитого императора поставили некоего Мжежа. Но сыну Константа Константину удалось восторжествовать. Он был назван «Погонатом», так как против Мжежа отправился без бороды, а возвратился с бородой [118]. Константин ясно сознавал необходимость общения Рима с Константинополем. Хотя официально он и не отверг типоса, но и не настаивал на нем.

Но между тем как отношения между Римом и Константинополем постепенно улучшались, отношения между церквами римскою и константинопольскою и при Константине Погонате оставались натянутыми и даже угрожали еще более обостриться. Например, константинопольский патриарх Феодор (с 678 г.) не счел удобным послать свой συνοδικόν (общительное послание) в Рим, опасаясь, что его там не примут, а отправил только увещательное послание (προτρεπτική έπιστολή), которым приглашал римскую церковь к восстановлению общения с константинопольскою. А в Константинополе, вместе с Макарием антиохийским, Феодор всячески (и не без успеха) склонял императора вычеркнуть из церковных диптихов всех преемников Гонория на римской кафедре. Но император желал церковного мира, и потому в 678 г., по заключении мирного договора с аварами, обратился к папе Домну с просьбою прислать двух — трех римских квиритов и до 12 западных епископов в Константинополь на конференцию для мирного обсуждения {стр. 490} спорных догматических вопросов: собрание вселенского собора император считал делом не совсем удобным. Послание императора было вручено уже преемнику Домна Агафону, который отнесся со всей серьезностью к доброму начинанию государя. По приглашению Агафона на собор римский явились епископы не только из Италии, но и из Галлии и Британии; в Медиолане и в Гитфильде (в Британии) состоялись предварительные соборы. В Риме, около пасхи 680 г., собрались 125 епископов под председательством папы Агафона. Результатом собора было посольство депутатов в Константинополь с посланиями от отцов собора и от самого папы.

В своем послании папа излагает учение о двух волях во Христе на основании предания римской церкви, которая никогда не заблуждалась от пути истины (nunquam a via veritatis in qualibet erroris parte defluxa est), чистота учения которой всегда оставалась неповрежденною. Поэтому и предшественники Агафона, когда константинопольские патриархи вводили новшества, непрестанно (indesinenter) защищали православие и обличали заблуждающихся: Сергия, Пирра, Павла и Петра. И теперь папа призывает всех возвратиться к православному учению, содержимому в церкви Петровой, которая не затемнила света своего учения и чужда приражения какого бы то ни было заблуждения, — quae ejus (Christi)? gratia et praesidio ab omni errore illibata permanet. Послание отцов собора также наполнено похвалами православию западной церкви. «Свет учения нашей кафолической и апостольской веры, исходя из источника всего света — Христа, чрез князей — апостолов Петра и Павла и их преемников на римской кафедре до Агафона включительно, светит всему миру, и никакой еретический мрак не затемнит его (nulla haeretici erroris tetra caligine funebratum)». Затем отцы сознавались, что по неблагоприятным внешним обстоятельствам они не обладают глубокой богословской ученостью, а поэтому просто излагают преданное учение о двух волях и действиях во Христе и осуждают вождей монофелитов: Феодора фаранского, Кира александрийского, и Сергия, Пирра, Павла и Петра константинопольских.

Римские делегаты 10 сентября 680 года прибыли в Константинополь, где с почетом были приняты, и вскоре затем принимали участие в торжественной процессии во Вла{стр. 491}хернский храм Богородицы. Константинопольским патриархом в то время был уже не Феодор, решительный противник римской церкви, a Георгий, монофелитствующий, но настроенный примирительно. В самый день прибытия делегатов император дал на имя Георгия константинопольского сакру, которою поручал ему созвать митрополитов и епископов на вселенский собор, и известить об этом Макария антиохийского, патриарха титулярного, проживавшего в Константинополе. Александрийская и иерусалимская кафедры в это время вдовствовали (первая с 653, вторая с [638] года), тем не менее, и эти кафедры имели на соборе своих представителей в лице пресвитера Петра, местоблюстителя александрийского престола, и пресвитера (апокрисиария пресвитера Феодора, местоблюстителя иерусалимского престола) Георгия. Таким образом, сверх ожиданий императора, состоялся шестой вселенский собор, имевший 18 заседаний с 7 ноября 680 по 16 сентября 681 года [έν τω σεκρέτω του θείου παλατιού, τώ ούτω λεγομένω Τρούλλω, или, как говорит Анастасий Библиотекарь] in basilica, quae Trullus appellatur, intra palatium.

Шестой вселенский собор.