If we talk about the agents of the real Christianization of the barbarians, then they were primarily "displaced persons": Roman captives living in barbarian lands[57], or, conversely, barbarian hostages and emigrants who had visited the Empire. These bearers of Christianity, who were not "professional" missionaries, as a result of some circumstances, achieved success and only then turned to the Church for help. So, according to legend, Georgia was turned by Nina, who was taken there as a girl as a captive from the Empire. This event is described in a number of monuments dating back to the surviving source[58]. What is important for us now is not so much to reconstruct this original as to see what the imperial authors paid attention to. It is curious that the very name of Nina remained unknown to them. Rufinus, Socrates Scholasticus, Sozomenos, Gelasius of Cyzicus, and Theodoret of Cyrrhus[59] all assert that the barbarians, among whom the captive lived, were amazed at her ascetic way of life, but it did not occur to her to propagate Christianity among them, nor to them to inquire about the essence of her religion; when, in explanation of her asceticism, the woman "innocently said (άπλούστερον λεγούσης) that Christ, the Son of God, should be venerated in this way, both the name of the venerated and the method of veneration seemed strange to them (ξένον) (Sozomeni II, 7, 1). Only after Nina became famous for her miraculous healings, and especially after the cure of the local queen, did she gain great fame and only then, at the insistence of the tsar, did she begin her mission. According to a valuable testimony preserved by Socrates alone, the Georgian king and Nina "together became messengers of Christ: the king for the men, and she for the women" (Socratis I, 20). So a woman couldn't preach to men! [60]

The "apostle of the Goths" Ulphilas was the child of Roman captives who were taken away by the Goths during a raid on the Empire in 257. among others, those who were numbered among the clergy... A host of pious captives, finding themselves among the barbarians (συναναστροφέντες τοΤς βαρβάροις), persuaded a considerable number of them to piety and led them from the pagan faith to the Christian faith. From this full were also the parents of Urquila (Ulfila)" (Philostorgii HE, II, 5). This process is described in more detail in Sozomen: "When an indescribable multitude of mixed peoples... devastated Asia... Many priests were taken captive and began to live among them. Since the captives there healed the sick and cleansed the possessed, calling on the name of Christ and calling him the Son of God, and moreover led a blameless life and by their virtues conquered all evil speech (μώμον), the barbarians, marveling at their life and extraordinary deeds (παραδόξων έργων), came to the realization that it would be wise to imitate people who turned out to be better than themselves, and to serve the Highest, like those. Having chosen [Christians] as their guides in what should be done, they received instruction, were baptized, and began to attend churches" (Sozomeni I, 6). We will talk about the fate of Gothic Christianity later (see pp. 87, 127 ff.).

II

The most exotic is the history of the mission in Ethiopia. This distant country was connected with the Hellenistic world by centuries-old ties. At first they were supported by the state of Meroe, and later by the state of Axum, which replaced it. Therefore, it is not surprising that Christianity also penetrated the Abyssinian highlands very early. The tradition of the Ethiopian Church calls the baptizer of the country a certain Abba Salam, who converted the kings Ezana and Sazana. Byzantine tradition, on the other hand, considers Frumentius and his relative Edesius, Roman subjects, to be the apostle of Ethiopia to be from Tyre. Whether the name Abba Salama is another name for Frumentia is difficult to say. Here, as in the future, the two pictures of the Christianization of Ethiopia, external and internal, imperial and local, do not agree on everything. At the same time, as we will see, the Ethiopian version is much richer than the Greek version itself. The difference between the two is that the Greco-Roman sources focus on the initial phase of the mission, while the Ethiopian sources focus on the subsequent phases. Our earliest, almost modern source is the writings of Athanasius of Alexandria, who ordained Frumentius as the "apostle of Ethiopia"; a whole series of narrative monuments of the IV-VI centuries, which are in a relationship of complex dependence with each other, tells about it. Their story apparently goes back to some work of Edesius himself[63]. The closest to this missing source was the Latin story of the church historian Rufinus, on which Socrates Scholasticus relied, who somewhat abridged the original, and Sozomen, who restored the abridged [64]. Later, the same tradition is somewhat embellished by Theodoret and Gelasius of Cyzicus. But in general, the stories of these authors are very close to each other. The problem is that it is impossible to be completely sure whether the Greco-Roman sources really have Ethiopia in mind: F. Altheim believes that in fact the "Far Indies" originally meant Yemen and only later was Frumentius reinterpreted as the "apostle of Ethiopia"[66]. We will continue to adhere to the traditional view, but we are nevertheless aware of how shaky any hypotheses about this initial period of the mission are.

So, according to Rufinus and the tradition that followed him, the Tyrian philosopher Meropius set out on a journey across the Red Sea (not for missionary purposes, but for educational purposes!), taking with him his young disciples, Frumentius and Edesius. Their ship was captured by barbarians during a stop, who killed everyone except the children. The boys were presented to the local king, and they grew up in the palace. When the old king died and his heir (King Ezana of the Ethiopian springs?) was in infancy, the queen mother entrusted Frumentius and Edesius with the government of the country. It was then that they showed their Christian zeal. Here is how the church historian of the fifth century, Gelasius of Cyzicus, describes their activities: "They ordered everyone who lived around to bring to them all those Romans who got there (έπιξενουμένους), hoping to sow with their help (δι αυτών... έγκατασπειραι προμηθούμενοι) among the "Indians" (i.e., Ethiopians? — S.I.) the knowledge of God. Chance also favored them: having found some [Romans] at the same time, they induce those who lived according to Roman customs to build temples, and if these people did not have the right to erect altars because they did not have permission to the priesthood (θυσιαστήρια πηγνύναι τώ μή παρείναι αύτοίς αύθεντίαν ίερωσυνης), then to erect church buildings (οικους έκκλησιών) for the assemblies of those who have taken the path of knowing God. Hence the custom (πρόφασις) of the surrounding "Indians" of knowing God, while Frumentius influenced their ambition (φιλοτιμως αύτοις προσόντος) by resorting to beneficence, flattery, and exhortation" (Gelasius, p. 149, cf. Socratis I, 19). It is curious that Sozomen hesitates in determining whether there was a personal initiative in Frumentius' activity: "Probably, he was prompted [to this] by divine signs, or God himself arranged all this (θείαις ίσως προτραπείς επιφάνειας ή καί αυτομάτως του Θεου κινουντος)" (Sozomeni II, 2, 4; 8). Theodoret reports a little more about Frumentius' methods of preaching: "He received the uncultivated people (άγεώργητον έθνος) and undertook to cultivate them with enthusiasm, having God-given grace as a companion. Using the apostolic miracles, he caught those who tried to contradict him with the help of arguments. Miracles (τερατουργία), which showed the testimony [of the truth] to those who argued [against him], won multitudes [souls] every day" (Theodoreti NOT in p. 73).

After some time, the brothers asked to go home. Aedesius returned to Tyre, and Frumentius, as Gelasius says, "came to Alexandria, thinking that it would be expedient not to overlook the work of God among the barbarians (ακόλουθον ειη τό γενόμενον παρα τοίς βαρβάροις εργον θεΙον μή περιϊδεΤν). Having come to the Bishop of Alexandria Athanasius... Frumentius told him all that had happened, prompting (ύπομιμνήσκει) the idea of sending bishops to them. Athanasius... said to Frumentius: "What other person can we find in whom the spirit of God dwells as in you, brother, who would know how to govern and dispose of the churches there in the best possible way?" Having ordained him bishop, he commanded him to go back to the "Indians" to consecrate the churches there and take care of the people there. After the ordination of this man, emitting apostolic rays (άποστολικας άφιέντι ακτίνας), the great grace of God descended (προσετέθε). Arriving in the above-mentioned inner India, he strengthened the [Christian] gospel by signs and [himself] efforts. He attracted to the true faith of Christ a great multitude of "Indians," who through him received the divine word in its purest form. For this reason the number of churches and ordinations among these peoples has increased considerably" (Gelasius, pp. 149.4-150.17).

In any case, it should be remembered that whatever region is referred to here, Ethiopia, as traditionally believed, or Yemen, where F. Altheim places this story, only the most primary, superficial Christianization could have taken place there in the fourth century. In reality, in both regions, missionary work did not acquire any mass character until the fifth century (cf. pp. 41, 75).

III

The Indian Christian tradition portrays the Apostle Thomas as the most true missionary – he allegedly reached the Chola state in South India; arrived at the port of Muziris on the Malabar coast and founded seven churches, converting to Christianity 6850 brahmanas, 2590 kshatriyas, 3780 vaishyas, two kings and seven village headmen, whom he ordained bishops. His tomb (which was visited in the thirteenth century by Marco Polo) was venerated at Milapor, near Madras. What interests us now is not so much the historicity of this tradition as the complete absence of any reflection of it on Greek soil. Not only that, but for a long time there was no consensus among the Greeks about the activities of Thomas: in the version that goes back to Origen, the Apostle did not baptize India at all, but Parthia,[68] while India, according to the original tradition, was converted by the Apostle Bartholomew. Ideas about geography at that time were syncretic, and the term "India" in various Greek sources could mean Ceylon, Southern Arabia, and Ethiopia (cf. above, p. 36). Perhaps, in Christian texts, the territory of modern Greece was most often referred to as "India". Yemen and almost never the real India. But what matters to us now is that, whoever Thomas baptized, the original (Syriac and Greek) version of his acts portrays the apostle as a sorcerer and wizard rather than a missionary, and he fights against the institution of marriage rather than pagan beliefs. Least of all in the hero of "The Acts of Judas Thomas" can be recognized as an apostle! We shall see later (see page 203) that the image of Thomas as a missionary developed at a later time.

Первым миссионером в собственном смысле слова, достигшим «Индии», Евсевий Кесарийский в IV в. считал Пантена Александрийского: якобы этот человек во II в. «дошел до индов. Рассказывают, что он нашел у тамошних последователей Христа имевшееся там и до его прихода Евангелие от Матфея. Мол, один из апостолов, Варфоломей, проповедовал (κηρύξαΟ им и оставил Писание от Матфея на еврейском языке (Εβραίων γράμμασι), которое и сохранилось до вышеуказанного времени. Говорят, что он проявил такое рвение в отношении Слова Божия, что выступил в качестве провозвестника Христова Евангелия у восточных народов (κήρυκα του κατα Χρίστον ευαγγελίου τοίς έπ ανατολής εθνεσιν άναδειχθήναι), будучи послан до самой индийской земли. Ведь были же, были вплоть даже и до тех времен многие благовествователи Слова (ήσαν γάρ, ήσαν εις ετι τότε πλείους εύαγγελισταί του λόγου), пекшиеся использовать божественное рвение, в подражание апостолам, для взращивания и домостроения слова Божьего (ενθεον ζήλον άποστολικου μιμήματος συνεισφέρειν έπ αυξήσει καί οικοδομή του θείου λόγου προμηθούμενot)» (Eusebii Caesariensis HE, V, 10, 2). В этом тексте обращает на себя внимание, помимо самого факта миссии, то обстоятельство, что Евсевий рассматривает время Пантена, конец II в., как все етце миссионерское время, явно противопоставляя его своему собственному!

Кем был Пантен и почему он оказался в «Индии», Евсевий не сообщает, но скорее всего в его лице мы впервые сталкиваемся с еще одним важным отрядом непрофессиональных миссионеров — купцами. Характер связей между Средиземноморьем и странами в бассейне Индийского океана подсказывает, что и христианство пришло в «Индию» — Аравию через имперских купцов. Некоторые из них были греками: в сабейском языке (на котором говорило древнее население Южной Аравии) прослеживается два достоверных заимствования из греческой христианской лексики: qls‑n< εκκλησία «церковь» и ‘shmt< ευσχήμων «благообразный». Возможно также sbs< σέβας «священное»[69]. О том, что религия проникала вместе с торговыми контактами, свидетельствует и грекоязычная надпись[70], найденная в древнем йеменском порту Кана. В ней купец Косьма просит «единого бога» помочь его каравану[71].

О «торговом» происхождении йеменского христианства[72] говорит несторианская «Хроника Са–ард», правда, относящая крещение к более позднему времени: «В стране Наджран в Йемене жил во времена Йездигерда (на рубеже IV‑V вв. — С. И.) знаменитый в округе купец по имени Ханнан. Как‑то он поехал по торговым делам в Константинополь, затем вернулся к себе, потом съездил в Персию. Проезжая через Хиру, он посетил тамошних христиан и узнал их учение. Там он получил крещение и оставался там какое‑то время. Оттуда он вернулся в свою страну и убедил соотечественников разделить с ним его религию. Он крестил членов своей семьи и других людей своей страны и окрестных земель»[73]. Обратим внимание: Ханнан посещает Византию — но там, в столице огосударствленного христианства, его религиозное чувство остается незатронутым. Лишь визит к каким‑то маргинальным, варварским христианам за пределами Империи (Хира была «столицей» независимого арабского племени лахмидов) разжигает в нем веру[74].

Другая версия христианизации «Индии» изложена Иоанном Никиуским (2 пол. VII в.): «Обитатели Индии пришли к познанию Бога и были просвещены благодаря деяниям одной святой женщины по имени Феогноста. Она была девицей, монахиней, ее захватили в плен в монастыре, расположенном на римской территории, и продали царю Йемена. Эта христианка была одарена высокой мерой благодати и многих излечила. Что касается царя Индии, то она обратила его в истинную веру, под ее влиянием он стал христианином, так же как и все обитатели Индии. Затем царь Индии и его подданные попросили императора Гонория дать им епископа. Узнав, что они приняли истинную религию и обратились к Богу, император испытал большую радость и дал им святого епископа по имени Феоний, который наставлял их, учил и укреплял в вере Бога нашего Христа, вплоть до тех пор, пока они не удостоились принять крещение — и все это в результате молитв святой девы Феогносты»[75]. Этот рассказ подозрительно похож на вышеописанное крещение ивиров (ср. с. 33), однако имя Феогносты, видимо, восходит к какой‑то иной традиции, тем более что такая святая упоминается в синаксаре сирийской (яковитской) церкви под 17 сентября; кроме того, не получает никакого объяснения появляющееся у Иоанна упоминание о Гонории — императоре Западноримской Империи на рубеже IV‑V вв.; ведь очевидно, что если кто и мог участвовать в христианизации этих далеких восточных областей, так это его брат Аркадий, правивший в Константинополе.

Окончательно все запутывает еще одна версия крещения «Индии», предлагаемая в качестве альтернативной тем же Иоанном Никиуским: «Обитатели этой страны приняли человека благородного происхождения по имени Афрудит, происхождения индийского, и выбрали его епископом. Он был рукоположен апостольским Афанасием Александрийским»[76]. Здесь явно имеется в виду Фрументий[77].