We also confess that the Only-begotten Son of God and God, our truly incarnate Lord Jesus Christ, One in Essence with the Father in divinity and one in essence with us in humanity, Who descended and was incarnate from Mary the Virgin Mother of God, is One, and not two.

To the One we attribute the miracles and sufferings that He voluntarily endured in the flesh. and those who divide or merge or introduce illusory are not at all acceptable, for the truly sinless incarnation from the Mother of God did not produce an addition in the Son.

Anyone who thinks differently now or at any time, in Chalcedon or at any other council, we anathematize."

Thus, in the Henoticon there is no direct speech about either one or two natures. But it is mentioned in passing that the Lord, who is of one essence with the Father in divinity, is of one essence with us in humanity. In essence, the Henoticon coincided with the mood of the Eastern episcopate. From the oros adopted in Chalcedon, he left out all the formulas that were disputed and the meaning of which was not clear to everyone. The Henoticon openly canonized the theology of Cyril and his 12 anathemas. Church historians (Gieseler, Neander, and even the Orthodox Paparrigopoulo) admit that the Henoticon is essentially an Orthodox document. Why was it published then? It is clear that in the present historical situation he was a betrayal of pure orthodoxy. And, most importantly, he did not achieve his goal - unification. In disguise, Henoticon wanted to liquidate the tomos of Leo and the oros of Chalcedon, to which the government had held on for 30 years as the banner of Orthodoxy.

Peter Mongus recognized the Henoticon and was recognized as Patriarch of Alexandria and received into communion by Constantinople. But the nature of things was more hopeless. The Monophysites did not recognize the Henoticon as sufficient. It was not enough for them to keep silent about the tomos of Leo and Chalcedon. They needed to smash these formulas. The opposition (now to their patriarch) raised cries again. Peter Mong began to adapt. He crossed out the names of Proterius and Timothy Salofakiol from the diptychs. The body of Salofakiol was taken away from the common tomb. Peter Mong had to preach sermons in the old style and assure that he had not changed his views. He even spoke against Chalcedon, but without anathemas, of course, for the eye of authority watched every word. At the same time he wrote letters to Acacius of Constantinople, full of reverence for the Council of Chalcedon. But the adherents of Peter Mong, in contrast, fabricated a forged correspondence, in which Acacius of Constantinople allegedly "rolled at the feet" of Peter Mong, asking forgiveness and admission to communication. After all, the Alexandrian pride was offended.

The opposition did not calm down. Peter Mong was forced to subject some monasteries to ecclesiastical punishment. Te complained to the emperor. The official Cosmas was sent to Alexandria. The grassroots opposition staged a grandiose demonstration. Around one country church, 30 thousand monks gathered (and the Roman authorities did not have enough soldiers to protect the border areas). This monastic army was not allowed into the city. They were forced to limit themselves to two hundred delegates. They were admitted to the church, where Peter Mongus was compelled, not without artifice, to prove that he was dissociating himself from both Pope Leo and Chalcedon. The demagnetized monks recognized Peter Mongus as innocent of error, but did not accept him personally for his association with Acacius and other "Chalcedonians" and came to the conclusion that they should elect a new archbishop for themselves. The authorities vigorously banned it. Then the monks and the masses in solidarity with them broke away from Peter Mong. Their leader was the monk Nephalius. Thus, the Henoticon did not bring peace even to such an anti-Chalcedonian Patriarch of Alexandria.

In other patriarchates, pacification did not work either.

The Antiochian Patriarch Kalandion did not want to receive Henoticon. He was temporarily protected by political circumstances. Patricius Illus received an honorable departure from the court to the East. The Thracian general Leontius also arrived there. Illus nominated him as a rival to Zeno to take the throne. For this intrigue, the stay in Isauria of Zeno's mother-in-law, Empress Verina, was used. Ill brought her to Tape and persuaded her to crown Leonty. The hierarchs of the East had to recognize Leontius. But when Zeno defeated Leontius, Calandion was exiled to an oasis. Peter Gnafevs was summoned from exile and installed for the fourth time on the Antiochian cathedra. He accepted the Henoticon. But he, like Peter Mong in Alexandria, also formed an opposition of extreme ...

It was Peter Gnathebus (Cloth) who introduced the reading of the Nicene Creed at the Liturgy with a tendency against the Council of Chalcedon. He also introduced additions in the Trisagion Hymn: "Crucified for us." This was a substitute for the formula "God suffered", an allusion to the "one nature". This "crucified for us" became the slogan, the "war cry" of Monophysitism, as in its time with the Donatists: "Deo laudes!"

The other Syrian bishops in the majority signed the Henoticon and entered into communion with the patriarchs of Antioch and Alexandria.

In Palestine, the successor of Juvenal, Anastasius, with a council of his bishops, had previously received Enuklion Basiliscus. Martyrius, who succeeded Anastasius in 478, also accepted the Henoticon and renounced Chalcedon. But here, too, as in Alexandria and Antioch, the opposition of the extremes (monks) was opposed to all compromises and was not satisfied with the Henoticon.

35 years of separation of the churches (484-519) due to the Henoticon.

Pope Simplicius kept begging the capital to expel Peter Mongus. Imagine his amazement when, in 482, he received the news of the non-recognition of John Talai, who had been elected to the see of Alexandria, and the promotion of Peter Mongus in his place. The Pope wrote to the Emperor about the cancellation of such an appointment and to Acacius about informing him: what is the matter?

Akakiy did not answer a word (!). Pope Simplicius was ill and soon died, in 483. At this time, John Talaia arrived in Rome and submitted a formal complaint against Acacius to the pope. The new pope, Felix III, reacted in a purely Roman spirit. He sent to Constantinople two bishops and one lawyer (defensor Tutus) with a letter to the emperor and Acacius. The embassy was instructed to keep in touch with the akimites, as staunch defenders of Chalcedon. The legates were taken under honorable arrest immediately upon arrival in Constantinople. The letters were taken away from them, and they were persuaded to give them up voluntarily. Te surrendered and agreed to concelebrate with Akakii. In their presence, Acacius entered the name of Peter Mong in the diptychs. This meant that the Roman Church publicly recognized the position created by the Henoticon. But the Akimites were indignant at this diplomacy and reported to Rome. The returning legates found the pope already aware and angry. On July 28, 484, the Roman Council of 77 bishops deposed the legates and excommunicated them, and also deposed the impudent Patriarch Acacius. Acacius was accused of allowing the imperial power to dispose of the fate of the Council of Chalcedon without notifying the pope, who was one of the founders of this council. In addition, Acacius is to blame for not responding to the pope's request and for abusing the credulity of the papal ambassadors. "Multarum transgressionum reperivis obnoxius," the pope wrote in a letter of excommunication. "You are deprived of the priesthood, excommunicated from catholic communion and from the number of the faithful. You no longer have the right to the name of a hierarch or to sacred actions. Such is the condemnation that is imposed on you by the judgment of the Holy Spirit and by the apostolic authority, of which we are the bearers."